Wednesday, February 18, 2026
EditorialGovt vrs Oppn

Govt vrs Oppn

The systematic deployment of central investigative agencies against political adversaries has emerged as a primary instrument of statecraft, threatening the foundational integrity of Indian democracy. The Enforcement Directorate (ED), Income Tax(IT) and the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) exhibit a predictable rhythm, intensifying operations in opposition-ruled states precisely as election cycles commence. This tactical activation in poll –bound states is characterized by raids, summons, and high-profile arrests, that is framed as a crusade against corruption. However its selective application suggests a far more cynical objective which is- the calculated disruption of the democratic process. The pattern of these investigations reveals a “washing machine” effect that is now impossible to ignore. Scrutiny is rigorous and punitive for those in the opposition, but it evaporates the moment a target defects to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) or its allies. High-profile cases in Maharashtra and Karnataka serve as empirical evidence; probes that once dominated headlines stalled or vanished following political realignments. Conversely, massive alleged irregularities in infrastructure projects across BJP-governed states like Uttar Pradesh and Gujarat fail to trigger even a preliminary inquiry. This disparity transforms central agencies from neutral arbiters of the law into partisan enforcers. Recent developments in West Bengal underscore the gravity of this institutional weaponization. The ED’s decision to raid premises associated with I-PAC-a consultancy central to the Trinamool Congress’s electoral strategy-on the eve of polls is a dangerous escalation. By targeting the architects of an opposition campaign under the guise of investigating long-dormant coal scams, the state effectively raids the “war room” of its rivals. The timing is the message. If these allegations held merit years ago, their sudden resurrection during candidate screening and outreach planning points to a strategy of institutional sabotage rather than judicial resolution. Similar patterns in Delhi and Jharkhand confirm that the objective is to hobble opponents’ campaigns rather than seek justice.This coercion is complemented by a media landscape that has largely abdicated its role as the fourth estate. Once a watchdog, significant sections of the press now serve as megaphones for state propaganda or have been silenced by the same fear of agency reprisals that haunts the political class. When the media validates selective leaks and celebrates lopsided enforcement, it deprives the citizenry of the objective reality required to hold power to account. Pros of this approach include a high-level visibility of corruption and the potential recovery of siphoned public funds. Cons, however, are far more damaging: the erosion of the principle of equality before the law, the distortion of electoral fairness, and the total destruction of public trust in institutional neutrality. The relentless use of the ED and CBI as political bludgeons is not an exercise in accountability but an assault on the competitive essence of a multi-party system. By shielding its own and hunting its rivals, the current administration is normalizing a brand of authoritarianism that operates through the veneer of legality. Unless the Supreme Court intervenes to establish strict guidelines for the timing and conduct of these agencies, and until civil society demands a universal application of justice, India’s democratic institutions will continue to be hollowed out from within.

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