Finally, the Opposition did not yield. Or were the NDA-BJP and its leaders Narendra Modi and Amit Shah unable to manage the opponents? The number game was bare at the division of votes during the introduction itself of the weirdly named Nari Shakti Vandan Bill – parliamentary seat reservation bill for women. The name itself was mocking the women as if a favour was being done.
The first polling day in Bengal on April 23 witnessed scenes of some party candidates being chased by the people for alleged intimidation in the name of religion. The Special Intensive Revision (SIR) has annoyed the people for disefranshising them threatening loss of livelihood and welfare doles including the free food ration
Shortly after the Parliament session such incidents seem to speak volumes on the of the 131st Nari Shakti Vandan Amendment Bill, which fell for being short of 2/3 majority support.
Only three years back in 2023, the women’s reservation bill was passed, more as a gimmick before the 2024 elections to pose that the party cared for women. It did not rock the voters and BJP barely managed to form the government luring Andhra TDP leader N Chandrababu Naidu and Janata Dal United leader Nitish Kumar the sore who has now been eased out.
In the backroom it was echoed that the government wanted the bill to fall so that it could take advantage in Bengal and Tamilnadu elections.
There was budge in the house that the government did try to reach to the opposition till the last moment on April 18, but it remained stubborn.
One wonders why the 2023, was not implemented for the 2024 elections. And virtually, except its ornamental status, remain a piece of paper now.
It takes a peculiar kind of political self-belief to push a constitutional amendment while knowing the numbers for a two-thirds majority in the Lok Sabha simply aren’t there. To do so in the middle of high-stakes election campaigns in Tamil Nadu and West Bengal, and to wrap it in the theatre of a specially convened parliamentary session, only heightens the sense of calculated spectacle over legislative seriousness.
In the process, the ruling party’s hyper-tactical floor management risks eroding the credibility of Parliament itself. Institutional costs, however, rarely trouble those focused on short-term political gain.
Predictably, the government’s supporters hailed the move as a masterstroke by Narendra Modi—a neat trap laid for the opposition. By linking an expansion of the House to 850 members and a fresh delimitation exercise with the proposal for one-third reservation for women, the Prime Minister framed dissent as politically perilous. Oppose it, the message ran, and face the anger of women voters. It was projected as a decisive gambit—less a debate, more a political ambush.
Even Mrs Indira Gandhi known for her Emergency, let the 1977 elections – campaign and voting – be held in free and fair manner. She could at least be given credit for not interfering with the Opposition rallies or their sharpest criticism of the excesses. The election was held as Emergency continued till March 17, 1977.
The April 17 vote in the Lok Sabha—298 in favour and 230 against, falling 54 short of the two-thirds mark—signals a quiet but notable shift in the political landscape.
In this scenario, the April 18 prime minister’s address to the nation, a solemn messaging to the people, looks quirk. It was a retributive speech against the Opposition – Congress, TMC, DMK, SP and who not! It appeared to be desperation of a system that considered itself invincible and undeniable.
It suggests that BJP may no longer be able to steer the narrative or win over fence-sitters with the same ease as before. The appeal now appears more aligned with partisan positioning than broad consensus-building.
It should have called for presenting the 131st Constitution Amendment Bill as a delimitation process than making it “a move for the women – Nari Vandan!” People know women are not much cared for from Manipur to Hathras, Unnao, Rishikesh or Delhi. The 2023 act with queer name remains an ornamentation.
Strong rhetoric on the campaign trail does not automatically translate into agreement inside the House, where credibility, clarity, parleys and trust play a larger role.
The haste in 2023 or 2026 is uncalled for. The government was unable to expand support beyond its own number. It, in itself, hints that the perception of inevitability around government victories may be easing. And would it help the BJP in Bengal or Tamilnadu? Even the party leaders don’t say so. Despite the hullaballoo in Bengal, those circumspect about the BJP are sizeable. Unease prevails over the fairness of the polls. The common buzz – machines could devastate the results!
The wish is for a Parliament that asserts itself more independently and over time, encourage other institutions—including the judiciary—to act with greater confidence. In recent years, the balance has leaned toward a strong executive; even a modest rebalancing would be significant.
Debate or Choking Voices
With 300 extra members could there be a debate! It’s impossible even now. Not many members get chance to speak and the few that do repeatedly get interrupted by the chairs in both the houses. As if they are in a party national executive, where most speaking is done behind the curtain.
And can gender sensitivity be answer to parliamentary morose? There are 74 women MPs in Lok Sabha, BJP alone 37. How many have echoed the miseries of women in Manipur to Hathras, Rishikesh or Delhi. Often chairs refuse discussion. The new numbers are not required to make the houses vibrant but a political culture of morality can do it. Forget women, even men lack the courage to raise right issues, else concessions granted to the poor and senior citizens, denied in 2021, would have been restored long back. Nor anyone remembers the plight of Noida-Gurgaon, Bihar or Maharashtra labourers, who have to flee for any temporal disaster, covid or the trouble in West Asia or lack of legal wages. Not many voices echo the closure of government schools or hospitals, including the chaos in prestigious ones in Delhi.
The enormous cost sought to be thrust on the taxpayer is ignored as it suits many to support additional, mostly dumb members. There is 50 percent estimated increase in the cost of additional members per day during the session, at least Rs 300 crore in salaries in addition to 34 flights each, free accommodation, and Rs 500 crore in MPLAD expenses. The MPLAD scheme entails an annual allocation of Rs 3,950 crore nationwide. The country has to introduce reforms to uphold the spirit of the Constitution. Could it include reducing terms of the Lok Sabha and state assemblies? Issues are grave. Political parties have to be honest to the trust people repose in them. Whatever, it would continue to echo beyond the present elections till a change really ushers in.
Tuesday, April 28, 2026