Nagaland, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Manipur need more than appeals for special treatment: they need a credible investment case. A shared economic-development forum could strengthen their bargaining power, but only if it is professional and evidence-based-not a political pressure group or venue for competing demands. The disadvantages are structural. Difficult terrain raises the cost of roads, bridges and public services; dispersed populations and small markets limit private investment; fragile ecosystems make careless construction costly. Assam, by contrast, has a larger market, the Brahmaputra valley, Guwahati’s regional hub role, stronger connectivity and a broader industrial base. This does not erase Assam’s own needs: projects there can serve more people at lower unit cost and generate wider spillovers. Fair investment policy must recognize scale and the “terrain premium” borne by hill states. Funding figures underline the imbalance and a capacity problem. During the 15th Finance Commission period, combined NEC and NESIDS-Roads spending in Assam was Rs.955.57 crore, compared with Rs.515.04 crore in Nagaland. Assam had 14 NESIDS road projects worth Rs.935.19 crore sanctioned; Nagaland had nine worth Rs.309.20 crore. These differences reflect need, but also readiness. Land, clearances, geological risks, contractor limits and delayed utilisation can impede projects. When weak execution reduces future allocations, underinvestment and limited capacity reinforce each other. Arunachal Pradesh offers a lesson, not a grievance. Its hydroelectric potential and frontier location give projects such as Subansiri Lower and Dibang national significance for energy security and strategic connectivity. Other hill states should show how corridors, border trade, power links and climate-resilient infrastructure advance national interests. Political proximity to the Centre may open doors; it cannot replace project readiness or a compelling case. Party alignments change; transparent norms and cross-party agreement can endure. A Hill States Economic Development Forum should be a small, permanent technical body, not merely an annual meeting of chief ministers. It could maintain shared data on connectivity, services, logistics and climate risk; identify a short list of multi-state projects; pool expertise for project reports, clearances and monitoring; and propose funding formulas recognizing higher construction and maintenance costs. Public dashboards should track sanctions, spending, completion, quality and jobs. Arunachal, Sikkim and Tripura could join where interests align, while a distinct caucus addresses hill-specific concerns. Priorities should include reliable roads with slope protection, power and remote renewables, digital links, cold chains, border markets, schools, skills and health facilities. Regional power investment and highway expansion provide a base, but kilometres and megawatts alone are insufficient: maintenance, last-mile reliability and local economic use matter. Major projects must meet geological and ecological safeguards. Nagaland’s Chathe river experience warns against infrastructure that creates environmental liabilities. The forum could fail if it becomes four shopping lists. Projects should benefit multiple states or a shared corridor, serve a clear national purpose, and be technically, financially and environmentally credible. Joint trade routes, regional logistics or renewable-power transmission plans are stronger than disconnected requests for prestige projects. Collaboration, however, cannot substitute for state reform: professional public-works teams, e-procurement, stronger local contractors, independent audits and clear project pipelines are essential. The proposal is overdue, but success will be measured not by meetings or memoranda. It depends on evidence, a few genuinely regional priorities and disciplined implementation. A united voice can attract attention; only capable institutions and accountable delivery can turn it into durable infrastructure, livelihoods and self-reliant growth.
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