A casual conversation with a senior Naga citizen on the lack of political participation among Naga youths elicited “ ahh we Nagas are experts in talks”. For decades our unique identity has been the dominant political vocabulary shaped by the intersections between the forces of nation building and geopolitics. This is passe now. Intergenerational priorities have shifted and more and more, the exigencies of geography and economics is pressing upon a new vista where we are called upon to adapt, broaden and reinvigorate our identity .
Later that day, a telephonic conversation with a school friend from Guwahati made me realise the Assamese culture of “ lahe lahe” is nowhere now relevant as the butt of a joke. On the surface, politics still looks backward, much of political debate still revolving around identity conflict, historical grievances and votebank narratives. These issues are relevant socially but they still don’t address the coming economic transformation. It is laughable that the Congress party has to even literally drag a cultural icon into the campaign let alone the consequences of the 1971 Indo Bangladesh War which continues to cause ripples beyond the pale of understanding evident in demographic tumults around the entire North East. Identities have hardened and binaries continue to deepen. Yet it is in this very context, the economic Geopolitics featuring innovative governance models, new adaptation in mindset and much energy will be expended and replayed further. The stage is set and Assam is defining it. It is bold and clear. There’s no presumption. The Chief Minister leading the charge recently stated that Assam needs its Muslim youths to graduate from Engineering and Medical College instead of Madrasa. On the other hand, the Congress makes attempts to capitalise on the death of a cultural icon like Zubeen Garg peddling grievance narratives to try and tie public emotions to accountability. This tactic may work momentarily because emotion mobilised faster than policy debates. But it has limits.
The international airport in Assam is ready to go operational, beautifully decked . In a few years, Guwahati becomes a logistics capital and Assam, a transit economy and concomitant to that, the North East becomes a Trade Bridge between South Asia including Bhutan, Nepal and Bangladesh and South East Asia.
The ruling BJP continues to run on a different message encompassing infrastructure, security and border control and economic integration aided by strong governance. This messaging is less about grievances and more about order, connectivity and economic growth and this appeal to especially urban voters, young voters seeking jobs , business communities and a populace fatigued by long identity conflicts. The evidence are on the ground. Few examples, the futuristic 50 thousand cr microchip manufacturing facility at Jagiroad near Guwahati by TATA and the Solar Energy project at Karbi Anglong by Adani. Whether politicians anywhere acknowledge it or not, the state is positioning itself as a gateway economy between mainland India and the eastern frontier.
In that sense, the real election in Assam is not merely between parties. It is between two timeframes: the politics of memory and the politics of opportunity.
For Nagaland, this unfolding moment carries an even deeper implication. If Assam is quietly transitioning from identity politics toward economic centrality, Nagaland cannot remain trapped in the comfort of perpetual dialogue. Geography does not allow it.
The same corridors that will transform Assam will inevitably pull Nagaland into the orbit of trade, mobility, and economic participation. A complimentary Foothill Project is underway but constantly getting drowned in negativity.
The question therefore is not whether change will come and hope on it.The question is whether Nagas will participate in shaping that change — or merely talk about it. History rarely waits for societies that prefer conversation over movement.
Limhachan Kikon
Duncan Bosti
Dimapur Nagaland
Sunday, March 15, 2026