Thursday, January 29, 2026
EditorialIdeological Hara-Kiri

Ideological Hara-Kiri

The incident in Dimapur on December 15, when armed men stormed a village, fired indiscriminately, injured one person and abducted five others, is not merely another entry in the crime ledger of the state. It is a stark reminder of how deeply lawlessness has embedded itself into everyday life, and how brazenly certain groups now operate without fear of consequence. That such incidents have been reported across different parts of Nagaland in recent months only sharpens the sense that this is not an aberration but a pattern. Self styled parallel authorities are no longer content with rhetorical claims of legitimacy. They are enforcing their writ over ordinary citizens through force, intimidation and coercion, assuming powers that have no constitutional sanction. The ceasefire signed in July 1997 between the Government of India and the NSCN IM had once raised genuine hope that an era of violence had ended. That optimism was further reinforced by the 2017 ceasefire with the GPRN/NSCN( N-K) group. While these agreements succeeded in halting direct hostilities between armed groups and the Indian security forces, they failed to protect civilians. The guns, once turned outward, have increasingly been turned inward. Abduction and intimidation have long been part of the operational economy of these outfits, all justified under the sweeping claim that they obtained the mandate from the 1951 plebiscite to preside over the lives of citizens. That mandate, whatever its historical context, was never meant to be endlessly replicated. Today, nearly thirty factions lay claim to the same authority, the same legacy and the same right to collect money. With every defection, a new group emerges, and with it a renewed need for funds, regardless of how those funds are raised. The persistence of these unlawful activities is not due to an absence of capacity on the part of the state but the constraints imposed by ceasefire ground rules. Oversight mechanisms exist, whether through the Ceasefire Monitoring Group in the case of NSCN(I-M) or the Ceasefire Supervisory Board for the GPRN/ NSCN (N-K) group. When clear violations occur, these bodies and their chairpersons must intervene decisively. Lines once drawn cannot be allowed to blur indefinitely. More alarming than the actions themselves is the quiet surrender of political and administrative space. Law enforcement appears marginalised, even as many officers continue to perform their duties with commitment and restraint. The shrinking footprint of the state has normalised illegal summons, parallel courts and daily intimidation. When diktats begin to resemble lawful orders, the danger lies not only in violence but in the erosion of moral and institutional clarity. The principle of might over right stands in direct opposition to Naga traditions of justice and fairness. Political leaders, administrators, civil society groups and churches are vocal on selective issues that have largely avoided confronting extortion, violence and coercion. Dimapur, once a vibrant commercial centre, has become increasingly hostile to honest enterprise. Multiple layers of illegal taxation, threats and abductions have driven businesses to neighbouring districts in Assam, draining capital, confidence and opportunity. Reversing this decline requires unambiguous priorities. Restoring public faith demands an efficient and accountable administration, a policing system empowered to act within the law, and a collective willingness to challenge illegality in all its forms. Without that resolve, peace will remain an illusion, and lawlessness will continue to define the lived reality of the people.

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