OpinionIndia, Global South face fallout

India, Global South face fallout

Two giants meet. Since 1962, first a US president welcomes a country head at air base in person – a rare moment indeed for a short truce till January 2027 – about three months. World should rejoice perhaps. But is it good news for the world’s poor, including India with the largest number of people below the poverty line in absolute terms?
When the leaders passed the press corps at one point at the Oval office, Trump said, “We had a great meeting,” reports NBC News. Trump said Xi was “an expert on stone, aside from many other things, and he loves good granite.” A great comment. Would Trump’s real estate firms make a beeline to China, would China allow it? In diplomacy, impossibility itself is impossible.
The closer are the ties between them, it does not bode well for poorer countries. The US can extract a lot from China in concession and so can China as well. The poorer needs to be careful. They may have to foot the bill.
It also means further compromise on multilateralism and the UN, almost the last days of League of Nations moment. More bilateralism is threat to the weaker nations and welfarism. It may hurt the people of the US itself with sharper corporatisation, detested by Americans.
By holding a White House summit during the UN General Assembly (UNGA), both leaders created a symbolic “split-screen” that effectively sidelined the UN as the centre of global governance.
A Trump-Xi rapprochement is viewed by analysts at the Institute of South Asian Studies, Singapore, not as a definitive disaster, but as a complex strategic test that has repeatedly fallen short of fears over a formal ‘G2’ alliance.
Indian strategists long worried that a direct U.S.-China deal would marginalize New Delhi. However, actual engagements—such as the May 2026 summit—proved relatively banal and limited in major economic resets.
For New Delhi, the key concerns are the possible sidelining of the Quad, with stalled summits raising fears of a leadership vacuum; growing manufacturing competition, as any easing of US-China trade friction could affect investments seeking alternatives in India; and mounting bilateral US pressures, particularly steep US tariffs on Indian exports that add to economic friction. Yet, this need not be viewed as a total setback, as Trump-Xi meetings have often produced limited deliverables focused mainly on containing risks, while structural distrust and competition between Washington and Beijing remain intact. India also retains strategic autonomy and independent leverage through its multiple global partnerships.
A diplomatic reset or broad trade deal between US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping could have significant implications for India’s strategic and economic interests. Though India is not on the official agenda, any easing of US-China tensions could affect New Delhi in four ways.
The US-China trade friction has encouraged global companies to diversify manufacturing and supply chains away from China, benefiting India. A tariff truce or trade deal could reduce that incentive, slowing the flow of investment and manufacturing capacity to alternative hubs.
The US tariff focus could shift to India. If Washington eases pressure on Beijing, India could face greater scrutiny over tariffs and market access. Agriculture, retail and technology could become particular areas of US pressure, especially as Washington seeks wider access to the Indian market.
The Quad could lose strategic weight. A major US-China rapprochement, particularly on maritime security or wider geopolitical issues, could reduce Washington’s strategic focus on the Indo-Pacific. For India, any dilution of US engagement would have implications for its regional balancing vis-à-vis China.
A worsening US-China conflict could create a different dilemma. If the summit fails and economic confrontation intensifies, Washington could press India to align more closely with its China strategy. That could complicate India’s strategic autonomy and its balancing act with Washington and Beijing, even as it deepens engagement with China through BRICS and other forums.
Opportunities & Risk
The outcome presents both opportunities and risks for India. If the US and China de-escalate their economic and trade tensions, global trade could become more stable, with steadier commodity prices and stronger demand, but the easing could also slow the relocation of global supply chains to India and leave New Delhi more exposed to targeted US trade pressure.
Weaker global growth and disruptions in China-linked supplies of critical minerals and semiconductors could create fresh vulnerabilities.
Tarif Relief Unlikely
A Trump-Xi trade reset is unlikely to bring immediate tariff relief for India and could leave New Delhi facing continued or even greater pressure. The two sides have only extended their trade truce for two months, leaving broader differences unresolved.
A major pressure point is Russian oil. A new US sanctions law gives Washington the power to impose tariffs of up to 100 percent on countries buying significant quantities of Russian crude. India’s continued energy trade with Moscow therefore remains a potential source of friction. US and Indian officials have already discussed the implications of the new measures.
If Washington reaches a broader accommodation with Beijing, attention could also shift more heavily towards India’s trade barriers and market access. At the same time, the unresolved US-India trade negotiations leave key Indian export sectors exposed to tariff action.
Major Export Loss
Around 55percent of India’s merchandise exports to the US face a baseline 10 percent Section 301 duty, with labour-intensive and machinery sectors particularly exposed.
The US absorbs over 32 percent of India’s textile exports. Dominated by MSMEs with thin margins, the sector could lose competitiveness against Bangladesh and Vietnam if tariffs rise. The US accounts for 55percent of India’s global carpet exports.
Electrical machinery has risen from 5.5percent of India’s US export basket in 2020 to 28percent, now the largest category. About 48.1percent of India’s electrical machinery exports go to the US. A parallel US excess-capacity investigation could push combined tariffs on engineering goods to 18percent. The Gems and Jewellery sector remains heavily dependent on US consumer demand and could face lower orders and greater competition from alternative processing hubs if tariffs increase. The US takes nearly 48percent of India’s shrimp exports, making seafood highly vulnerable to higher tariffs because of its price-sensitive market. Re-strategisation would be required if India pines to be a global player as well as stabilise its economy for a too stretched a target of 2047.

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