Some people who knew Th. Muivah inside out says that he is a person deeply entrenched in the Naga political issues, and that any other matter is secondary in his scheme of things. So much so that even when news about the demise of his parents or siblings was conveyed to him, he received it with a sense of grief, but he never showed overt emotions. These remarks sum up how hardened a man he is when it comes to prioritising the Naga political issue. So, the million-dollar question one would ask is, was he emotionally moved when he stepped onto the soil of Somdal, after so many years? The answer can only be known to him.
On record, Th Muivah, the ideologue (as Nandita Haksar describes him), joined the NNC in 1964. So, officially, that was the beginning of his Naga political journey. Based on that record, the October visit happened after 61 years, which, by any yardstick, is a long time, unless, of course, he managed to sneak into Somdal quietly sometime in between by dodging the agencies keeping a watch on him. However, with no records of such adventurism, it has to be presumed that the return this time was the first since 1964.
So, even for a man as hardened as him, the visit to the village certainly must have been a moving sojourn. In fact, the body language and series of indulgences suggested that the human in him, after all, was at work; the heart was melting, and the reunions were much cherished. The nostalgia that surrounded him and his people was, therefore, visibly palpable. They sang together, they chatted unhindered, they laughed, and they reminisced about their good old days. The shared intimacy was so profound that many concluded this meeting could very well be Mr. Muivah’s swan song, not because they doubted his longevity, but simply because they knew he would not retire and retreat to his birthplace.
During the visit, two epic civic receptions were accorded to him in Ukhrul and Senapati, with a record number of participants—the largest seen in recent times in both places. The participants were inclusive, with people coming from as far as Tamenglong and Chandel, the other two districts of Manipur inhabited by the Nagas. Besides the Naga public, there were people from other communities as well – Pangals (Muslims), Nepalis, and non-Manipuri businessmen. While many may have attended out of curiosity, eager to see Muivah, the household name, in person, the majority were there to listen, anticipating he might share some positive news about the ongoing peace talks with the Indian government.
What was significant about these gatherings was the huge presence of Naga youth in both Ukhrul and Senapati. It is significant because in recent times, the youth had shown signs of disappointment, particularly after the Framework Agreement, which gave so much hope but did not result in a meaningful conclusion. They were sceptical about the Naga political dream fructifying; therefore, they took to social media to express their disappointments. They have heard Mr Muivah talk about Naga identity and the need to uphold it steadfastly through different mediums umpteen times, but they have never heard him say it in person. This time though, they heard him speak in person, and if the mood in the aftermath of these civic receptions was any indication, that slow-burning ember has now been sufficiently ignited into a flame. For these young people, the question Mr Muivah often throws at the Nagas, “Are you a lost people?” seemed to have moved them immensely and left them thinking.
When a group of people from Tamenglong met him and mentioned their origin, Mr Muivah’s spontaneous remark about Jadonang, and his expression of deep respect for the freedom fighter, won him many hearts. That one-liner of his was worth sessions of indoctrination lectures. Therefore, even in a district known to have a section of the Naga society who are indifferent to the NSCN(IM), the Muivah fever seems to have significantly caught up there after, particularly among the youth. The civic receptions and the other titbits of the October visit of Th. Muivah to Manipur, therefore, cannot be simply seen as the usual social functions. They were events that re-ignited the Naga spirit among people of all ages. Stake holders, including the government of India, need to recognise this.
The majority of Nagas currently harbour a general suspicion that the Indian government is merely waiting for the situation to unfold. The talk shows no urgency, while the structure remains interim since 2019 without a full-fledged interlocutor appointed by the government of India. The Naga public also believe that the GoI is waiting for Mr Muivah to go so that the government doesn’t need to deal with such a strong-headed leader like him. If this suspicion holds any merit, the Indian government may be making a grave error. It needs mentioning that with the October visit to Manipur, Mr Muivah probably had struck a chord with the public significantly and also won the hearts of many youngsters. Therefore, the Muivah doctrine, or the wishes gravitating the young and the old to a common point, cannot be ruled out, even after his death. It will be an advantage for the GoI if a deal is struck during the lifetime of this tall leader.
Th. Muivah’s influence suffering a setback in recent times is a reality. The splits and factions undoubtedly have weakened the NSCN(IM) a great deal. Also, regardless of their names and nomenclature, the breakaway factions are trying to convince sections of the Naga public that they are advocating for the same dream what Muivah is fighting for. The public is confused! However, what may not be adequately understood is that even his detractors and ardent critics know that only Muivah can get something from the government of India for the Nagas. His traditional perspective on Naga history, identity, and honour, and the stubborn refusal to compromise on these issues are his greatest strength, which is widely acknowledged. In other words, friends and foes of Muivah think alike when it comes to expecting him to bring something.
As an organisation, it is time the NSCN (IM) also began to seriously asses public sentiment. Just as the public perceives the GoI to be procrastinating on matters with a purpose, there are whispers behind closed doors that the NSCN is also complicit to the GoI ploy. Transparency on the progress of the talks is necessary to address this suspicion. Also, the seeming lethargy shown by the leadership in pushing the talk harder must change to a more assertive and pressing posturing. Most importantly, they must reinvent the culture of forgiving, accommodation, and compromise, in order to strike a deal in favour of the Nagas.
John S. Shilshi
(The writer is a retired IPS officer, author, and the editor of www.necarf.org. Views expressed are personal)
Wednesday, March 4, 2026